Mr Brown should curb public spending, not go begging for cash from sovereign wealth funds

What price an ethical foreign policy?

Today sees Mr Brown in China trying to act as a super salesman for British business. It is a relatively harmless use of his time, forced upon him by the dire straits of the UK economy under his policies.

Mr Brown has debauched the strong economy he inherited. His first couple of years wisely continued Conservative spending plans and repaid public debt, but elsewhere the long march of this government to a malfunctioning socialist economy had begun. The undermining of the Bank of England proved to be a long fuse to the explosive Northern Rock crisis. The taxation of pension funds began the route march to most people no longer having the benefit of a final salary scheme, whilst burdening too many companies with large deficits to repay.

Worse followed after 2001 when Mr Brown embarked on an irresponsible twin track ?? easy money, and massive spending increases on public services. Because he wrongly saw all public spending as ??investment?? and felt large sums were proof of better service, he failed to ask the obvious question ??What am I buying for all this cash??? The answer turns out to be a whole load of extra civil servants, spin doctors, consultancy contracts, pay awards, quangos and regulators.

Ten years on the UK is one of the world leaders for twin deficits ?? a record balance of payments deficit, and a large government borrowing requirement. Alarmed by the record deficits on the balance of trade figures which he used to pour over to harry the Conservatives when in government, he decided on a trip to China. It is a sign of his desperation that he feels the need to act as pied piper to the British business community to sell more there, and to see the need to ask the Chinese government for more Chinese funds to be invested in the UK. He is right we require the money, to pay for our double deficits.

When the Labour government first came into office its then Foreign Secretary Robin Cook claimed they would run an ethical foreign policy. The phrase was chosen to imply that all previous UK foreign policies had been other than ethical. The Labour knight was to wear the purest white, and would charge into world Councils with morality as the billowing pennant on the lance.

Today that seems a very long time ago. We look back on the invasion of Iraq, the continuing fighting in Afghanistan, the lack of any action over Zimbabwe, the skirting round North Korea, the inconsistent approach to other countries gaining nuclear weapons and the erratic response to human rights abuses and have to ask what ethical or moral stance now lies behind these actions? Arent they all driven by media, by events, by US pressure, by EU argument, by a growing sense in the present Foreign Office that there are many obvious limits to British power?

Worse still, when many want Mr Brown to raise Chinas human rights record as the central issue whilst there is still a window of opportunity before the Olympics, many of us are embarrassed to say this when we look at the deteriorating record of human rights in our own country. Now the UK wants to have the western record for detention without trial or charge, seeks to stifle public opinion by ratting on the promise of a referendum, spends a fortune on clumsy physical ??security?? at so many places and events, treats travellers like suspects or criminals and intensifies the range of thought crimes that preoccupy the elite, we are no longer in a good position to lecture China even if we wanted to.

Mr Browns visit recognises the reality of the new world order. China is emerging as a superpower, with a fast growing economy, a large population, and a wish to project its power. When a country has more than $1 trillion in the bank it is difficult to argue with it, especially when our country has been newly impoverished by Mr Browns policies. He sold our gold holdings for a fraction of its current market value, ransacked our long term savings, failed to stop a run on a British bank and now needs to go cap in hand to China to seek inward investment to the UK. These are sorry times for our country. They have been brought on by incompetent stewardship of our money. It is humiliating to see our Prime Minister ask for sovereign wealth fund money from China to keep us afloat. If he really wanted to improve the UK economy he should have stayed at home, working on how to get more value from his public spending, and how he could curb spending so we do not need to borrow so much.

January 12th 1912 – Scott reaches the South Pole

On 17th January 1912 Captain Robert Scott of the Royal Navy reached the South Pole. On his arrival he discovered that his Norwegian rival Amundsen had made it a month earlier, claiming the title of first man to set foot on the southern most place on earth.

This event became one of the most heroic quintessentially British feats, because Scotts failure to reach the Pole first was transformed by tragedy and his diary into a gripping story. The tired, hungry and defeated British team turned from the Pole after their brief visit on 17th January to attempt the journey back.

They encountered atrocious conditions. They finally had to stay in their tents on the Ross Ice Shelf because the weather was sp bad and they were so weak. One of Scotts last deeds was to write the memorable words of his ??Message to the public??:

??I do not think human beings ever came through such a month as we have come through??.I do not regret this journey, which has shown that Englishmen can endure hardships, help one another, and meet death with as great a fortitude as ever in the past??

When Apsley Cherry-Garrard found the three frozen corpses of the Pole team in their tent on the Ross Ice Shelf in the November of 1912 he discovered the diary. Its publication gripped the imaginations of Edwardian Britain, making the brave adventurers instant heroes.

Because their suffering had been so intense and Scotts prose was so arresting in a way they became more heroic than the successful Amundsen who had proved the superior tactician in fighting the elements.

Subsequent research has suggested that Scotts team were likely to fail because they did not eat enough to sustain them in their battle with the cold and snow, a problem compounded by the inadequacy of their clothing and the difficulties of their transport.

There is something very British ?? or as Scott would have said, very English ?? about the heroic failure of this memorable expedition. The resilience in the face of adversity, the philosophical approach to danger and death, the wish to achieve the improbable if not the impossible are all part of that unconquerable spirit which has led to the triumphs of our islands story. This is one of several examples of how glorious and tragic failure are better remembered than the glittering successes ?? it ranks alongside the Charge of Light Brigade and the much larger and strategically much more important retreat from Dunkirk in the folk memory.

Regional government does not work – behind the scenes in quangoland

Yesterday I was invited to lunch in the House of Commons by the Thames Valley Economic Partnership.

It was the kind of invitation I usually decline, as I do not approve of lunches at the public expense for public servants. I went because the rules of the game to get approval and money for important transport projects in my constituency require that I express agreement with other MPs, Councils and quangos over the needs of the ??region?? in order to persuade the Minister to consider our case. The Minister came to the lunch. I did not wish to let the side down, and have to accept the rules of the game as designed by this present government.

The lunch began with a speech telling us
??We have all the stakeholders and all the people that matter in transport in the Thames Valley around this table??. The list comprised 6 local government officials, 1 Councillor, 6 MPs, 4 representing the Thames Valley partnership, 5 from central government and its quangos and 16 others mainly from private sector companies. Local and national government officials were well represented.

I bit my lip ?? surely the most important people are the passengers who use the transport system, and surely there are more than a handful of companies involved in delivering the complex transport services of our large region? Are these not important ??stakeholders??? I restrained myself from shouting out ??Lese-majeste to the voters??, or even ??These lunching emperors have no clothes??.

The Partnership explained to the Minister of State, Transport, that the region had three agreed priorities ?? more capacity on the M4, better north-south links and western access to Heathrow by train. All the assembled ??stakeholders?? agreed or kept their silence. Few of us had actually agreed to these ??priorities?? but it would have been pointless as well as churlish to complain again about these things being done in our name by unelected officials after the previous private rows about it all. Some of what they wanted made sense and it was our one chance this year to make the points to the Minister in such a forum.

The Minister told us that usually regions fail to reach an agreement about what they want. They also often fail to get all their Councils to speak from the same script. She had to overcome her surprise and see we were apparently united in seeking stated improvements to the woefully inadequate infrastructure of the Thames valley. Clearly these meetings normally end with the Minister giving the ??region?? a lecture on the need for regional harmony and unity, no doubt all part of the indoctrination programme to get people thinking of themselves as part of an artificial regional set up. Such a happy state of affairs from the Ministers point of view puts off all decisions for an other year or so and gives the government the luxury of blaming everyone else for the transport chaos.

The whole performance summed up admirably what has gone wrong with modern government. A large number of people drawing generous salaries from the state sit round endless discussing a problem which has obvious solutions. We are short of transport capacity so we need to provide more. As a result of this meeting it is unlikely the government will make any decision.

I pressed the Minister to tell us what she would do about the lack of capacity on the M4 . She asked all of us what our ideas were. I pointed out the M4 is a central government road. The Minister on our behalf owns it, regulates it, manages it and has all the power she needs to vote money to improve it and to change the law and regulations affecting it. Her colleague decides planning cases concerning it.

As I explained to her, the private sector will respond with technical solutions and with private money if she wants to make improvements, but it is her job to make some decisions so she can harness the private sector. If she wants new tolled capacity then the private sector can design and create it. If she wants a more traditional public sector scheme there will be plenty of bidders. If she wishes to use new technology to improve traffic flows and management there are plenty of systems to choose from. What she not expect the private sector to so is to waste a lot of their time and money on working out several different schemes and solutions without any guidance from government about what they want and what their time scale for action might be.

My betting is that next year there will need to be another meeting, and the most that will come out of this is more work for consultants to do some more feasibility studies. No wonder we are short of transport capacity, and no wonder public budgets dont go very far. If every time people agree on the need for some extra capacity the private sector is expected to juggle toll lanes, toll roads, design build and operate, private finance and traditional options without any clue from the government on what they want and without a Minister capable of making a decision we are going nowhere fast.

It is pathetic. Government is at a standstill. I proposed a scheme for redeveloping Wokingham Station and creating a transport interchange on the Network Rail land there early in the life of this government. It could have been paid for largely or wholly out of development gain on the public land. We are still waiting, because no Minister is capable of getting things to happen, and Network Rail clearly does not wish to exploit its property assets properly in places like Wokingham. We just have to put up with a slum station and inadequate parking at the site.

John Redwood Speaks on EU Constitution

Not ??a great triumph, but a ??disgraceful sell-out is how John Redwood last night described the Governments forfeiting of the ??10.5billion rebate. Speaking in the Commons debate on the EC Finance Bill, Mr Redwood questioned the Government-generated myths surrounding its EU budget negotiations, explaining how Blair ??completely mishandled them. Mr Redwood also debunked the myth that the budget proposals presented last night would benefit Eastern European member states, since we know that EU spending in those countries had been agreed without sacrificing the UK rebate, and some of it like the rest of EU spending would be wasteful, inefficient, or even vulnerable to fraud. For a Government now unable to afford an agreed pay-rise for the police, and which is borrowing and taxing at record levels, Mr Redwood wondered how it was able to part with such a significant amount of money, let alone dress it up as a success story.

<strong>The speech in full, taken from Hansard, follows. </strong>

<strong>Mr. Redwood:</strong> I shall keep my remarks brief, because once again the Government are not allowing us proper time to deal with the matters before us??clause 1 and the very important new clause 1, which we hope will be moved shortly. However, I cannot let the Chief Secretary get away with the disgraceful arguments that he has produced this evening.

The Chief Secretary first suggested that Mrs. Thatcher used to negotiate and reach compromises, and that that was entirely comparable to the negotiation, sell-out and giveaway that he has again announced to the House. Let us compare the two negotiations. Mrs. Thatcher went to a Community in which the other 11 countries had no interest in letting us keep more of our money. Any one of them could have vetoed her proposal that we should have a rebate. She managed to talk them round from 11-one down to 12-nil in favour, because she had to win by a unanimous vote.

All that the current Government had to do when they went to Brussels was say, ??We have a veto and we are not going to give away what Margaret Thatcher so wisely and brilliantly won for the United Kingdom,?? but they could not even do that. They gave in under pressure and said, ??Oh deary me, no, it would be quite wrong of us to use our veto. Wed love to shell out ??10.5 billion over the first period and much more over subsequent periods, because we now realise that we shouldnt use the veto and were here to give in.?? The Opposition are delighted that the Chief Secretary gave way so much in this debate, but we are unhappy that Mr. Blair and others gave way so much when they completed mishandled the negotiations.

Labour colleagues of the Chief Secretary are present who believe that the sterling equivalent of that ??10.5 billion would be much better spent on public services, which they greatly revere. There are also those on the Conservative Benches, such as me, who believe that, in the light of all the money wasted in public services, that ??10.5 billion should be given back to British taxpayers, who have paid all too dearly for the Governments inefficiency and their bad negotiations in Europe.

The Chief Secretary tells us that we should regard the deal as a negotiating triumph, because although the Government gave away the veto that had been so brilliantly negotiated by a predecessor Prime Minister, they achieved a smaller rate of increase in the budget than the Chief Secretary apparently thinks we achieved 13 years ago. It may be that the Government achieved a smaller rate of increase, but what matters is that the budget increased so much in the early Labour years, after the end of the Tory years, that any increase would be unacceptable. The Chief Secretary cannot get away from the fact that the budget that he is recommending is massively higher than that which was recommended by Mr. Major. For that reason alone I cannot accept it, because it is too big a burden on British taxpayers.

We then heard the myth, which the Government put about, that the proposal is essential for those countries in eastern Europe, which would otherwise be deprived. As my hon. Friend the Member for Runnymede and Weybridge (Mr. Hammond) pointed out, however, enlargement was agreed without the new variant. If we had dug in and used our veto, enlargement would still have happened, but we would not have had to make a disproportionately large contribution to that increased spending in the territories entering through enlargement. Some of the other rich countries of western Europe should also have continued to make a bigger contribution relative to ours, for the reasons that my hon. Friends have already set out.

<strong>Mr. John Hayes (South Holland and The Deepings) (Con): </strong>I hope that right hon. Friend will not ignore the Chief Secretarys other two specious arguments. The first was that the deal could have been worse if the Commission had had its way??a suggestion that represents the last resort of the scoundrel. The other was that any objection to what has been negotiated is somehow improper and that the House should not scrutinise the deal that was done. That is the Vichy argument, which has been used by malevolent or misguided Ministers for years in selling this country short.

<strong>Mr. Redwood: </strong>I am grateful for those extra points. I should like to make some additional ones, to finalise my critique of the Chief Secretarys position.

The Chief Secretary implied that eastern European countries would be short-changed. That is not true. He also assumed that all the EU spending in those countries will be worth while, but as we know, much of it has been shown to be inefficient, wasteful or even fraudulent by the accounts or by the auditors assessment of them. I fear that there will be more such instances in future years. I am sure that the Chief Secretary will be unable to say now that there will be no more such practices, so we may find ourselves financing more unsatisfactory, unnecessary, inefficient or even fraudulent programmes, which my electors are decreasingly in favour of doing.

Finally, the Chief Secretary said that we must understand that we will get more trade for British companies out of enlargement and the greater prosperity of eastern European countries. Of course we will, but that is not contingent on giving away our veto and our budget position. Indeed, I would argue that the main reasons for getting more trade from those countries will apply to non-EU members as well as to EU members. Those reasons are the free trade in the world as a whole, through the general agreement on tariffs and trade, and the fact that some of those eastern European states have wisely decided to set much lower tax rates and create a much more favourable climate for enterprise than this Government are creating for the British companies that have to compete with them.

The Chief Secretary should not suggest that what was negotiated is a great triumph. It was a disgraceful sell-out, and in contrast to the excellent negotiations that my party carried forward when we first won the rebate, it marked an extremely sad day for Britain. Voters of all kinds will know that that goes along with the money wasted on Northern Rock, ID cards and all the other things, as a symbol of what is wrong with this Government.

The great EU takeaway – the stupid UK giveaway

<p>Yesterday Parliament debated the great European take away. The rebate of our contributions, so brilliantly negotiated by Margaret Thatcher against the odds in 1984, was thrown into the dustbin of history for extra spending on the enlarged Union. Our partners succeeded in overcoming the UK veto on preserving the full rebate, so the other rich countries of Western Europe could pay less..</p>
<p>The Chief Secretary to the Treasury showed his respect for Parliament by doing the bill himself. It is unusual these days for a Cabinet Minister to get their hands dirty, preferring to leave such matters to their juniors. He also went to great lengths to set out the governments case as well as it could be done. I admire hi pluck, for the case was threadbare, hanging in tatters before the Opposition got to it.</p>
<p>We were told it represented a good deal for the UK because the value of the remaining rebate would continue to rise. Even a Labour MP exploded at that, pointing out that was only true because our gross and net contributions were going up so much.</p>
<p>We were told it was essential for enlargement to go ahead ?? yet it was agreed after enlargement had taken place.</p>
<p>We were told it was essential to give more money to poorer parts of the EU out of a sense of justice. Yet the issue in dispute did not affect the overall amount being spent on the poorer parts of the EU: it related only to the UKs share of the cost compared to the shares paid by all the other member states.</p>
<p>We were told that it represented a good outcome from a tricky negotiation, comparable to Margarets success in gaining the rebate in the first place. As I had to point out, there is all the difference in the world between winning a big rebate from the other member states when anyone of them could have vetoed it ?? as Margaret Thatcher did ?? and giving away some of the rebate when we had a veto over such a move! The first negotiation against the odds won a huge victory for UK taxpayers. The second will cost taxpayers dear, and need not have happened at all.</p>
<p>It beggars belief that a government in this amount of financial trouble, with a massive public deficit and sky high taxes, should choose this moment to give away at least ?1 billion a year to the EU for no good reason. Whenever I ask for lower taxes or say we should spend less, Labour Ministers always tell me that is impossible because every pound of public spending is so essential Last night Labour Mps voted through a totally unnecessary long term spending commitment that we cannot afford. Yet again they showed they do not look after our money, and are craven in their approach to EU negotiations.</p>
<p>Click <a href="http://www.johnredwoodsdiary.com/category/press-releases/">here </a>to read John Redwood’s speech in the House of Commons on this subject.</p>

Wokingham Times

Gordon Brown has claimed to issue his vision of Britain, in his Observer interview s few days ago. There are slightly warmer words for those of us who believe in defending and strengthening our civil liberties, with a promise that ID cards will not be compulsory. Why not just drop them altogether, as an unwanted expense and a temptation to government to intrude too far? Why not introduce proper border controls, and use the passport and visa system, to deal with immigration?

In contrast there are tough words for those who want to preserve Englands green and pleasant land ?? or what remains of it. Mr Brown has decided his crusade is to go to war with the Nimbys, using a highly overcentralised and bossy state to drive through new houses, nuclear power stations, new runways and eventually new train lines. He thinks he can make himself more popular by announcing unpopular decisions. It is an unusual approach.

I think Mr Brown is fighting yesterdays war on housing in the wrong way, instead of fighting todays war the right way. The issue today is not how to expand the supply of new housing, but how to stabilise the market in second hand homes. If he does not succeed in protecting the UK housing market from the credit crunch, housebuilders will not want to build all the extra homes in Mr Browns 12 year plan.
Mr Brown tries to create the impression that the credit crunch is made in the USA. He needs to recognise that the run on Northern Rock was made in the UK. It is banks based in London and regulated in London that are having to pull in their horns after a period of easy money and excess which occurred during his time as Chancellor. Today Mr Brown needs to come up with the right mixture of regulatory reform and money easing to prevent the credit crunch pushing house prices down too far too fast and undermining his hopes for new homes.

He also needs to understand that in many constituencies that Labour needs to hold in the suburbs and the countryside in England there are strong feelings that communities can only take so much extra development. There is growing resentment at the way large scale high density development is pushed onto reluctant communities by the centre. Trying to trap the Tories over Nimbyism is a very high risk strategy at the best of times. It is particularly silly at a time when government can force through the planning permission but cannot force a housebuilding industry under pressure to build on the scale Mr Brown thinks is needed.

In this mood we in Wokingham should not expect any favours when it comes to protecting what remains of the green gaps between settlements in our part of England. The Council has been listening to local opinion that is alarmed by three major new development proposals looming on the horizon. I trust they will reject these schemes on good planning grounds ?? there simply isnt the infrastructure to support such large scale additions to our housing stock. Thereafter we will all need to maximise pressure on the government, that in its current mood is all too likely to court more unpopularity by insisting on overturning Wokinghams settled view.

Mr Brown is right that the UK is short of transport capacity of all kinds. It has become so because this Labour government has failed to initiate any major new project to expand rail, road or air capacity. They have completed the Channel tunnel rail link they inherited, but precious little else.

I pursued their last announcement that they intended to build Crossrail, only to discover that they are not going to make the final decision about it this Parliament. I doubt if anything has changed, and assume this is another re-announcement of the same lack of progress. Their much publicised difficulties with engineering works on the West coast mainline over Christmas will not encourage them to try to speed up rail improvements, against the background of poor performance and a shortage of trained staff.

Sixth formers are volunteers

Yesterday, speaking to a sixth form in a school in my constituency, I tried a new approach to combat negative feelings about politics.

I reminded my audience that they were all volunteers. Whilst it was true that at 9 am on a wet Monday morning they were told they had to be in an hour long class with their local MP, they were all of an age where they could decide to leave school and do something else. In the light of their choice to stay and accept the discipline of their courses, surely I argued it was sensible to get something out of the hour with me – and the hours that would follow with representatives of the other main political parties. The challenge was more theirs to use my time productively for their purposes, than for me to lecture them that politics is important.

I put to them my thoughts on compulsion for 16-18 year olds from yesterday’s blog, and invited discussion. I am pleased to say there was a good flow of questions and points, on a wide range of subjects. I told them that as they apply to leading universities they are in competition with people from the leading independent schools, where there are strong traditions of taking an interest in public affairs and in grilling external speakers. I want to help in a small way to balance the competition at the university gates and urge other adults in the community to offer their encouragement to do the same.

Northern Rock – there is a better alternative to nationalisation

The debate about Northern Rock on Newsnight yesterday failed to produce a thought through alternative to nationalisation, to protect the taxpayers interest and avoid more damage to markets.

As readers of this blog will know, there is such an alternative. Maybe I have to spell it out again.

The government and the Bank should set Northern Rock targets to

1. repay debt
2. generate cash and profit
3. sell assets

These targets should be tough but achievable. The rate of asset sales should be geared to what the mortgage market can absorb, so the assets can be sold for a reasonable price, leaving the taxpayer with sufficient cover to get our money back.

Putting Northern Rock into administration could lead to a fire sale of assets, and might result in taxpayers not getting all our money back.

Nationalising Northern Rock could lead to huge losses for taxpayers, as taxpayers became responsible for all the rest of Northern Rocks assets and liabilities, including paying the staff, any redundancies, and the pensions shortfall.

Northern Rock has started to follow this managed run off strategy, selling ?2 billion of mortgages recently and using this to repay some of the taxpayer debt.

The meeting today at Northern Rock has been called to try to limit the managements scope to make decisions. This could be used to limit the Companys ability to reduce its debt to taxpayers, so it is not a helpful development from the governments or managements point of view.

The meeting is also a reminder to those who think nationalisation is an easy option, that it could be bitterly fought by existing shareholders. Taxpayers would not take kindly to existing shareholders being offered a good price for their shares, whilst existing shareholders are likely to contest nationalisation for a nominal or low price. I cant understand how anyone sensible can think this would be a good route to follow.

Don’t make them stay at school

The Education Bill we will debate today in the Commons contains the worse kind of gesture politics. Frustrated at the lack of progress in raising standards in schools, and worried by the continuing difficulties of getting 16-18 year olds into work where they are not studying A levels, the government has come up with the proposal to require 16-18 year olds to study and train, whether they wish to or not.

The government protests when we say we oppose raising the school leaving age form 16 to 18. They point out that the compulsory education for this age range could include day release courses and properly structured apprenticeships, as well as staying on at school.

None of this apologia overcomes our main objection to the scheme. If you compel young people to study at school or College, you recruit unwilling learners into the midst of academic institutions, sixth forms and Colleges ?? that have ben used to working with volunteers.

There is no evidence that you can compel people over 16 years of age to learn if they do not want to. Indeed, if you are to succeed at adult learning you will only do so if you really really want to yourself. Another party, TV programme, drinks with friends, or even hanging around on street corners will always seem a better option than reading the extra book, revising the coursework or struggling with something you do not readily understand. Those who do make the academic effort do so because they want to succeed, and believe that they will be able to do so.

There are several general reasons why too many young people do not wish to stay on at school and do not sign on purposefully for further training.
The first is that too many 16 year olds do not read, write and use figures with anything like the amount of skill needed to be able to undertake a proper course of further study. The remedy is not to compel them to work at their schoolbooks when they have already failed, but to get them to master the basics at a much younger age when adults do have more sway over them and when we all agree they should be required to be at school.
The second is that too many have been told by the system that they are not expected to succeed. Their background and social circumstances are used as excuses for low performance in earlier years. Unwittingly teachers and other adults in the community set low expectations and discover even these are not met. We should not expect less of a child from a low income household, whilst recognising that they might need more support and encouragement to rival the child from the self confident household.
The third is that some of these young people do not believe the school work or skills training will lead them to a job they want to do and could do. There have been too many disappointing government schemes getting young people through courses that have little economic value. There is too much of a temptation to design a course that people can pass instead of designing one that it good and useful to employers and then discovering how to teach so people can pass.

Professor Wolf, writing for Policy exchange, debunks the governments claim that this measure will increase National income by ?`1.6 billion a year, getting many more young people into productive work at 18. She believes it will reduce output by ?1.7 billion a year, as she fears many small businesses will decide they can no longer afford to employ 16-18 year olds and have to work around the compulsory education and training that will punctuate their working lives. She also fears that the governments qualifications from this scheme will have little value. Her fears needs careful examination by the government. She will be right if this is just a cynical exercise in massaging the unemployment figures, and if the government concentrates on numbers and not on the quality of what is being done.

The best guarantee that quality will matter and courses will be designed with employer needs in mind would be to allow choice and not impose compulsion. The other day a businessman came to service my gas boiler. In the past he told me he has not expanded his successful business as much as he would like because he could not find the high quality young gas engineers he needed to keep up the quality of his work. This year he told me he had taken on two. They both had things in common. They both had really really wanted to be gas engineers, they both had undertaken a serious course of study to achieve their aim, and both had paid their own money for the course. That level of commitment persuaded a reluctant employer that they can make a contribution.

The government needs to study ideas to make it less easy for young people who want to live on benefits and who do not have that determination to do something with their lives. That would be a better contribution than trying to think up exams people can pass that they claim represent good training which may not be so seen by employers.Insisting on better achievement when young with remdial classes and extra work for those primary school children not managing to read and write would also be a better and cheaper solution.

What to do instead of nationalising Northern Rock

It appears that the government is flirting with nationalisation because it is having trouble persuading the shareholders of Northern Rock to see things its way. It is a very cumbersome and potentially very expensive device to try to get shareholders to do as the government wishes, when the government has a much easier way of doing it.

The government still does seem to have grasped how powerful its position is as Northern Rocks bank manager. It stepped into this role, and is now committed massively to it. As of today it is clearly the only bank manager Northern Rock has that is prepared to extend the huge sums needed for the bank to be able to carry on trading.

As bank manager the government needs to assert itself in the following ways:

1. Set out how much asset cover it wants for any additional lending ?? and make sure it has taken enough asset cover for the loans so far.
2. Set out how much money it expects Northern Rock to repay on specified repayment days.
3. Establish targets for cash generation and profit in the underlying business with management, and make them report variances with explanations of action to be taken to get back on target.
4. Establish the usual banking covenants that Northern Rock has to hit to keep its facility

I read that the shareholders are not happy about selling assets. There should be no argument about this. The government/Bank of England should tell them what repayments they expect. Northern Rock then has four ways of making those repayments:

1. Sale of whole business to an owner that can meet the repayments
2. Refinancing of Northern Rock in the private market to repay the state borrowings
3. Cash generation from the business
4. Sale of assets

The government should just insist on the repayments. It is up to the shareholders and management of Northern Rock to do the hard work and decide how they can meet the need for such repayments. If selling assets is the only option ?? as it appears to be at the moment ?? then they must do that. The government does not need to dictate how Northern Rock refinances itself ?? just has to insist on the taxpayers getting their money back in sensible tranches over a realistic time scale.

As I stated on this blog before, the taxpayer should also be rewarded for making these huge loans that no commercial business would make in the event of Northern Rock recovering well. That can be done by the government taking options to buy shares at the current price at any time over, say, the next five years. This should also be a condition of continuing the lending to the company. Should it then do well the government can buy the taxpayer shares at a favourable price and sell them on to make a profit as a reward for carrying so much risk for so long. I read that this idea is now being taken seriously by the advisers.