I’m even greener than I realised

The BBC’s fixation with global warming produced a new insight this morning. It opened up a whole new line of questioning for the Green movement, which left their spokesman advocating that people should have a higher carbon footprint, for fear of sounding as if he wanted to kill off all the much loved cats and dogs we keep as pets.

The new topic was the carbon paw print of mogs and dogs. Apparently a large dog requires as much as 1 ton of carbon a year, or around 7% of the average British person’s carbon footprint. As I do not currently keep a pet, that makes me even greener than I realised.

The interviewer made a very good point. Turning to the green spokesman, she asked if people should stop owning pets to cut their carbon footprint. I assume she was kind enough to mean as nature takes its course with all the lovely animals people currently own. He realised the trap, and defended pet ownership as a pleasure we might need, suggesting pet owners should drive less to compensate. The last thing he wanted was the headline “Greens propose mass doggy and moggy murders to save the planet”. The greens always unite against the car, though it represents a modest proportion of the carbon total.

Not to miss the trick, the interviewer countered by saying why couldn’t people without pets buy a gas guzzling vehicle for their pleasure, as this would produce less additional carbon than a large dog? The Green spokesman was bright enough to have to follow the logic, and effectively conceded that non pet owners might well legitimately want to drive more, as long as everyone kept to a sensible average carbon footrpint.

I wonder if this question of the carbon paw print will develop legs? Will someone come forward with the idea that we should start to wean our furry friends off meat, and try and breed vegan pets with special low carbon impacts? Will someone else propose a recommended size limitation on animals we keep at home? It certainly makes a change from the endless discussions of how we should limit personal mobility.

What we need is some commonsense in this debate, an acceptance that we want to become greener and cleaner, to recycle more and waste less, to generate power in a more efficient way and to lift our fuel efficiency at home, on the move and at work as rapidly as possible. We need to cut our dependence on imported fossil fuels as quickly as possible. Cutting down on pets or stopping people driving should not be part of such a commonsense approach.

Labour’s great mistakes

Last night at a meeting I felt the need to remind people just why we need change, and why that change has to be the Conservatives. Everyone has their ideal view of what the next government should do, say and be like. It will soon be time to live in the real world, and recognise that the choice lies between Labour and Conservatives.

We need to remember:

Conservatives opposed Mr Brown’s changes to the Bank of England which stripped it of important powers and contributed to the banking crash.

Conservatives opposed the switch in inflation target before the 2005 election, a switch which led to a bigger credit bubble than we wanted.

Conservatives opposed the excessive deficit of the last year, voting against the VAT reduction and proposing lower spending.

Conservatives opposed the tax raid on Britain’s pension funds, a raid which led to the closure of most funds to new members and the winding up of many funds.

Conservatives opposed the Nice, Amsterdam and Lisbon Treaties, because they transferred power to Brussels.

Conservatives opposed Labour’s lax approach to our borders, wanting proper border controls and limits on numbers.

Conservatives offered a refererendum on Lisbon and voted for one in the Commons. Lib Dems and Labour ratted on their promise and voted it down.

Conservatives opposed much of the new red tape which now envelops local government and business.

Conservatives opposed attacks on our freedoms and civil liberties.

Sorting out the mess our country, our economy and our society is in is no easy task. It will not be possible to tackle everything all at once. Even mending the economy will take time. The question being debated today is do we want to make a start, or do we intend to carry on living in make believe land, awaiting the market crash which is likely to happen if we do not start to live within our means and begin the task of running our public sector efficiently and well.

The government borrowing crisis intensifies

Readers of this site will not be surprised that world markets are starting to tell individual governments that they are borrowing too much. If there has been a surprise, it has been the delay before markets wake up and force changes on reluctant administrations. The sloth of markets to say “No” to excess will just ensure that as each country crisis comes it will be bigger and the reckoning heavier, because each country will have borrowed even more.

Iceland, Ireland and the Baltic Republics had their medicine administered sometime ago. They have each been forced into spending cuts, and have to pay more for their loans. Last week the storm surrounded Greece. Yesterday the pressures began to envelop Spain and Portugal.

This is the period of maximum pressure on the Euro. Markets are saying to countries in the Euro who have wandered miles away from the discipline of keeping public borrowing down to an annual 3% of their national incomes, they need to cut spending. If they refuse, they need to seek loans and subsidies from the better run members of the Euro area, as the markets are no longer willing to lend to them at German rates. It turns out they are not part of an integrated money union where all are for one and each is for all. Each Euro member has its own deficit problems, and each has its own credit rating. So it will remain unless and until they each guarantee each other’s borrowings and freely transfer cash from the richest to the poorest, from the best run to the worst run, as needed. Germany is understandably reluctant to do that at the best of times. When she is wrestling with her own recession and deficit problems she is unlikely to bail them all out to the extent needed.

Some in the UK look on with a sense of relief or even amused superiority because we stayed out of the currency union. As a keen advocate of UK currency independence myself it is tempting to write of the advantages for us of not being caught up in this particular Euro crisis. I have always said there are just two decisions made by Gordon Brown as Chancellor that I fully support – the decision to keep us out of the Euro, and the decision to set sensible CGT and standard income tax rates.

I will not do so , for one very good reason. It would be foolish of us to say we welcome being out of the Euro to give us the flexibility to borrow to excess, to borrow more than the prisoner members of the Euro, Greece, Portugal, Spain and Ireland. There is one very simple observation. It does not matter whether you are in or out of the Euro when it comes to world market reactions to how much money you can borrow. The UK will not escape the government debt crisis. It has been living on borrowed time for too long. What can happen to Greece, Portugal and Spain today, can easily happen to the UK tomorrow.

Far from enjoying the collapse of the Euro against the dollar and the good questions now being raised over the whole shaky edifice of the single currency, we should look to our own problems. The UK has borrowed too much already, and is borrowing far too much going forward.

The Bank “paused” quantitative easing yesterday, to start to let the bubble in government debt down gently. From here it gets tougher to borrow all the money the government needs. If the UK government does not take the right budgetary action soon, it will be the UK’s turn to be tossed around in the world’s bond markets. The end of that process is for all of us to have to pay more tax to pay the rising government interest bills as the rates go up. At a certain point, just as happened in Ireland and now in Greece, the government has to cut spending.

The lights going out as the economy crawls

Last night I gave a lecture to 300 professional and business people in the Sainsbury Wing of the National gallery. I presented my views on the true origins of the Credit Crunch and the continuing errors of monetary and fiscal management. No one in the discussion which followed queried my thesis that the Monetary and regulatory authorities were a central cause of the crisis – a view familiar to readers of this website.

Today people are at last waking up to the real threat that we will run out of power ere long, if cold winters coincide with modest economic recovery and if no more power stations are built quickly. This is something I have been warning about for years in the Commons, asking the government to make decisions about replacements for the ageing nuclear stations and the coal stations that the EU rules are closing. They have dithered instead of getting on with issuing the permits and licences required to replace them with more nuclear or something else. Our only option now to keep the lights on is to build some gas powered stations rapidly.

In the Economic Policy Review I repeated the urgency of sorting out this problem. We said “We also believe that government needs to provide leadership in tackling the large number of capacity problems and bottlenecks which have emerged in the UK’s ageing infrastructure. The UK may be an island of coal set in a sea of oil and gas, but it came close to running out of energy in 2006” “We examine ways in which private capital and competition can be harnessed to ensure more plentiful supplies of transport network capacity, of energy and water”. Two years later, and we are still awaiting some decisions which will allow the construction of new power stations.

I also see others are now revising their view of the UK’s long term rate of growth. I have long been saying that it is likely to be 1.5% rather than the 2.75% the Treasury claims. The higher taxes go and the more debt that builds up, the lower the long term rate of growth is going to be. At least if they do succeed in putting the lights out we wont see how bad its got.

Department of Children, Schools and Families responds to John Redwood’s petition on the Badman Report

Last December, John Redwood tabled a petition to the House of Commons on behalf of his constituents asking the Government to think again about the Badman Report into home education. The report recommended the regulation and inspection of parents who educate their children at home. Many parents in Wokingham were concerned at the onerous nature of the regulation and that it cast unfair suspicion on parents.

The Government has now responded to John Redwood’s petition. They have said that they still accept the conclusions of the Badman Report, which are incorporated into the Children, Schools and Families Bill currently before Parliament. However, they have offered reassurances that the proposals in the Bill amount to “light touch regulation” and that the Bill will also allocate funding for parents who choose to educate their children at home. The Badman proposals will oblige parents who home educate their children to provide their local authority with a statement of the educational approach and to submit to an annual meeting with their local authority.

Speaking about the reply to his petition, John Redwood said: “I welcome the Government’s statement that they recognise home education as an established part of Britain’s education system. They say that even after the Badmam Report, Britain will still remain a liberal place in terms of regulation for parents who educate their children at home. Allowing parents to decide their children’s education is a mark of a free society”.

“However, I am still concerned that the proposals in the Badman Report will allow local government officers to question children without their parents’ consent. This Government has a rather authoritarian record when it comes to civil liberties and interfering in family life, and I am not reassured that they intend to use any new powers to interfere in home education with restraint”.

End money printing today

Will the MPC make honest people of us at last? With inflation well over 3% and rising it is high time they said “No” to more easy money for a government awash with too much debt and wasting far too much money. They should grasp that recovery requires a private sector, export and savings led recovery. That in turn requires a government spending sensibly and gaining us some better value for money. Someone today on the radio said he could not see how QE led to inflation. He should try looking at how the government overpays for all too many things and how it also slaps extra taxes on which drives prices up further.

The MPC’s boom and bust and attempted boom roller coaster ride has done us great harm. They have encouraged or allowed a government to debauch the national accounts and run up horrendous debts. Today they could start to do the right thing, start to get the UK back onto a prudent and well managed path. They also need to have words with the FSA and Bank over why credit is now so lop sided in our economy, and why the UK’s state banks cannot and will not help small business.

John Redwood questions Alistair Darling on over-spending and over-borrowing

Mr. John Redwood (Wokingham) (Con): But cannot the Chancellor see that because he is overspending and over-borrowing in the public sector he is squeezing the private sector, which is having to pay high and rising rates of interest if it can get credit at all? What does he say to people with Skipton mortgages or small businesses that cannot borrow a single penny?

Mr. Darling: As the right hon. Gentleman will know, we have taken steps to ensure that the banks increase the amount of gross lending that they are putting into the economy. At a time when private sector investment has stopped or reduced, if it had not been for the public sector intervention, the downturn would have been much greater than it is. As it is, we can see signs of increasing confidence-he will have seen the survey of manufacturers published yesterday, which is very encouraging. Across the world, we can see the results of Governments acting together and making a real difference. To remove that support prematurely, if indeed that is the Opposition’s policy today-who knows?-would be the wrong thing to do because it would be damaging to the country.

John Redwood raises Wokingham flooding and water management issues in Parliament

Speaking at the Bill Committee stage of the Flooding and Water Management Bill on the 2nd February, John Redwood sought detailed answers from the Government on a number of flooding and water management issues that have been raised by his constituents in Wokingham.

The week before the debate on the Bill, John drew the Secretary of State for Communities and Local Government’s attention to the fact that the Government’s centralised planning policy means a large number of homes have been build on the flood plain in Wokingham, despite the local authority not wishing such developments to go ahead.

While speaking on the Bill, John concentrated on two main issues. The first is the situation where water companies fail to prevent sewage rising out of the water system and mixing with flood water, which then causes damage once it enters people’s homes. John sought clarification on whether the law as it stands places a duty on the water authorities to deal with foul water that escapes from the sewer system, or whether the law needed to be strengthened further through the new Bill. The Minister replied by saying that Section 94 of the Water Industry Act gives householders and local authorities sufficient power to insist on repairs and improvements to prevent this happening.

The second area John focused his attention on was cases where local rivers flood. John urged the Government to impose a duty on the Environment Agency to keep the water courses free of debris so rivers can flow freely when there is heavy rain. John drew the Government’s attention to the fact that the Emm Brook and Loddon in Wokingham have flooded on a number of occasions, with flood alleviation being made more difficulty by the failure of the Environment Agency to keep the waterways clear. He pointed out that, while it has been very easy to get expert opinion, reports, memos, legal advice and Parliamentary debates on flooding issues, it has proven much more difficult to get the Environment Agency to actually start the physical work of clearing the ditches and water courses. The Minister offered assurances that the Environment Agency already has the powers it needs to carry out any necessary repairs to the flood defences.

On the issue of charges for water consumption, John asked who would be eligible for assistance in meeting their bills under a proposed plan from the Government to help low-income families who use water meters. John cautioned that it would be counter-productive to start taxing medium income and moderately worse off families to subsidise other people’s water bills, and sought clarification of how the Government defined “low income” families and what the cut-off point for support would be. He also suggested that the introduction of greater competition into the water industry would help keep prices down.

John’s contribution to the debate and his interventions, taken from Hansard, now follows:

(1) Mr. Redwood: In appraising the proposal, it is crucial that we know how the Minister defines people “who would have difficulty paying”.

Cross-subsidy might be involved, and we want to avoid the pretty poor cross-subsidising the even poorer, so it is important that we know where he is minded to draw the line.

Huw Irranca-Davies: The right hon. Gentleman makes a very good point, but that is absolutely why the Bill should not include specific definitions of who does or does not fall into that category. That is exactly the purpose of going out to proper consultation-so that those terms can be defined and we can accurately reflect not only how those individuals or households are defined, but how such definitions in a local area tie in with complementary national schemes.

(2) Mr. Redwood: The issue is the level of income, because I cannot persuade my fairly poor constituents to have a big increase in order to pay for somebody else.

Martin Horwood: The right hon. Gentleman makes a fair point. Some of the figures put forward by Thames Water, which I can share with him another time, suggest that the number affected is a small percentage of the overall total. That means that if the money was to be recovered through other people’s water bills, the increase for everybody else would be miniscule in practice, so the slightly poor would not have to pay an undue amount in order to subsidise the very poor. However, he makes a fair point. The key issue with new clause 22 is the need to put the legality of social tariffs beyond doubt. While we have the Bill before us-what the Minister said is quite true: we might not see another water Bill for some years-new clause 22 is a timely amendment.

(3) Mr. Redwood: Has my hon. Friend considered how the introduction of proper competition into the water industry, for retail as well as for large customers, would solve many of the problems and probably bring prices down without a Bill?

Miss McIntosh: I am grateful to my right hon. Friend for that comment. We are doing some serious work in that regard. We have had some meaningful discussions with the authors of the two reports. We need to take a longer-term view, and that would be part and parcel of the White Paper, but it certainly could have a positive impact on bills.

(4) Mr. Redwood: I am very grateful to the Minister for being so helpful, but will he answer my query? Does the law as it stands place a duty on a water authority to deal with foul water that escapes and causes problems, or do we need to strengthen the law?

Huw Irranca-Davies: I shall return to that issue in a moment. I believe that such powers exist-not in this Bill, but under existing water industry legislation. However, I shall seek some inspiration to recall the exact Act.

(5) Mr. Redwood: That goes to the heart of a big problem in my constituency, where the rivers Emm and Loddon have flooded on all too many occasions in the past decade. Part of the problem has been the failure of the Environment Agency to maintain the free flow of the waters, which means blockages that exacerbate the flooding. I hope that my hon. Friend is successful with new clause 2.

Miss McIntosh: I am most grateful for that support from my right hon. Friend. There is an argument that the Government have reduced the maintenance programme while increasing along with inflation the budget for substantial infrastructure projects. Capital expenditure has been maintained and even modestly increased, but the same has not happened on the same scale with maintenance.

(6) Mr. Redwood: Is not one of the problems with this whole area that we can all get access to lots more experts, memos, legal advice and buck passing, but we cannot get access to any money for men in diggers to get the ditches cleared?

Martin Horwood: The right hon. Gentleman makes an eloquent point. The spirit of it is exactly right. It underlines the risk of endlessly creating more and more bureaucracy and responsibility. Some of it may be welcome, but if it is allowed to grow without restraint, we may find that the practical result is less flood defence, not more.

(7) Mr. Redwood: I welcome in particular new clause 2, tabled by my Front-Bench colleagues. First, I welcome the fact that it states:
“The Environment Agency must undertake a programme”.
We need greater clarity throughout the legislation on who is responsible for what, and the new clause gives a lead on that. Secondly, I welcome the requirement that the Environment Agency undertake regular maintenance of the major watercourses. Under existing legislation the Environment Agency is responsible for the major watercourses, but as I discovered when trying to follow up on the persistent-the all too regular-flooding incidents in my constituency in recent years, it is terribly difficult to get any single body to take responsibility. There is always buck passing between the EA, the water companies and the local authority; each of them makes out a case that it is not technically responsible.

Clarity is essential and, unfortunately, I do not believe that the Minister’s legislation, in its widest sense, provides that. The Bill seeks to provide it in some areas, but in other areas it will be a lawyers’ charter. I have a heavy feeling in my heart that there will still be endless battles to establish who is responsible for what. I hope that we have not lost the clarity provided in existing legislation on the fact that main rivers and watercourses are the responsibility of the Environment Agency. That should remain the case; the Environment Agency should maintain them to ensure that the flows are as good as possible, given the existing channels and water flows in those rivers, and should come up with major and minor capital schemes to improve them where we persistently and regularly encounter obvious flooding problems.
My constituency is typical of those which were badly attacked by floods in 2007-but this flooding did not just happen in 2007. We have often been told that these events happen once in 100 years, but for many of my constituents such flooding might be a two or three times in a decade event; it is becoming extremely persistent.

The main reason is overbuilding on the floodplain, which is often forced on the council against its will and when its judgment was rather better. In such situations, I have always encountered a secondary problem of inadequate facilities and the inadequate maintenance of facilities. That means that water flows are impeded or are simply too great for the facilities provided by the Environment Agency, the water company and, in some cases, the local authority, and thus there is bound to be another flood. I hope that the Minister will give us some comfort in addressing the initiative proposed by my hon. Friend the Member for Vale of York (Miss McIntosh).

Let us consider the problems in my area. The River Emm is a rather small stream at most times, but can swell quickly; the River Loddon is a fairly big river, because it is close to joining the Thames by the time that it flows through my area; and on the edges there is the Thames itself and some Thames floodplain. All of those flood, and it is clear that some of the problem is the aggravation that comes from improper maintenance. All too often branches get caught in the River Emm, resulting in the detritus of leaves, litter and so on which creates a mini-dam at various places along the watercourse. Vegetation grows extremely quickly in the rather wet summers that we are having these days and that creates another barrier to the free flow of water. Clumsy people sometimes do not help the matter by putting a shopping trolley or an old pram into the river, thus adding to the trees and the vegetation, and before we know it, there is a dam in the river. Maintenance work cannot be done once a year; people have to be sent out regularly to inspect and to supervise. If a little work were done often, it would not be so expensive. We need boots on the ground; we need someone who walks the course. We need someone who has the tools and equipment necessary to remove that detritus.

One of the obstacles on the Loddon, which is a bigger river, results from the fact that people dropped a lot of masonry some years ago when they were building a bridge-undoubtedly this was a public sector project that caused problems. These people never bothered to take the masonry out of the river bed and so at a very crucial point where the river abuts a pub and houses there is insufficient depth. That is where it naturally floods. It also usually floods the main Reading road.

In the most recent bad floods, all the main roads to Reading were cut off, with the exception of the motorway. It is odd when someone in high-tech valley 35 miles from London cannot for a whole day make a simple journey into the main town in the middle of our high-tech valley because the rivers have not been kept clear or the necessary capital works have not been carried out to handle the water. I hope that the Minister will take this more seriously.

I am glad that the Liberal Democrats support the proposal. Their spokesman, the hon. Member for Cheltenham (Martin Horwood), has brightened up our debates, because it is the first time that I have seen someone come along with carefully prepared and beautifully typed-out scripts on each of the provisions, with his notes on the Liberal Democrat amendments on yellow paper, his notes on the Conservative amendments on blue paper, and his notes on the Government amendments on light pink paper-that paper should probably be dark red now, as they have moved on.

Huw Irranca-Davies: Deepest red.

Mr. Redwood: Exactly. I am sure that the Minister is upset that the notes on the Government amendments are only on mild pink paper.

Martin Horwood: I can reassure the right hon. Gentleman that if he had tabled any amendments, the notes on those would have been on extremely dark blue paper.

Mr. Redwood: I think that was a compliment, but I cannot be sure. The hon. Gentleman’s well prepared support is welcome, and I am sure that he speaks for his community, as I speak for mine. I think that all sensible right hon. and hon. Members of this House would wish to support this proposal, because it is clear and positive, and it addresses one of the reasons why we have all too frequent flooding in our constituencies despite the fact that a stitch in time-simple action-would save nine.

The proposal would even be a public expenditure cut, and we need that at the moment. Little-and-often maintenance would mean that we would not have huge clear-up and clean-up costs and we would have none of the bureaucracy that one encounters after a big flood, when one sees inquiries, lawyers, highly paid executives, more quangos and more legislation. I assure the Minister that we are not short of any of those things.

When dealing with the flooding issue I have found all too many expensive and intelligent people to whom to talk, write or complain, or to receive memos or arguments from. I have met all too many people who work out strategies and plans, and who tell me why one cannot do it today but that one might, after spending a long time in a queue, be able to do it tomorrow. As I keep saying to these people, all we want is someone who does something: a man or woman in a digger who clears a ditch; someone who puts a new pipe in; someone who goes out to cut the vegetation down; or someone in a pair of gumboots with good sturdy tools that can clear a ditch that is too small for a digger to go down. That is what we need. I suspect that it would cost a lot less than the massive bureaucracy that this legislation and its predecessors has created. I want an Environment Agency that actually gets out there and does some physical work; I do not want an Environment Agency that gives 1,000 clever excuses while my constituents have to continue to be flooded.

(8) Mr. Redwood: I rise to discuss Government new clause 22. As I have said in interventions, we all feel well disposed and warm towards the aim of more affordable water for people on lower incomes, but I find it difficult to welcome the way in which the Government propose to do that, as we need some indication of the detail that needs to follow to make this a sensible and workable scheme.

The best way to make water more affordable for those on low incomes and for those on any kind of income is to introduce competition and get the costs of producing the water down. I believe that it would probably cut the cost by about a fifth if we introduced comprehensive water competition and used the pipe network as a common carrier. It is easy to do. It has already been done in the case of gas and other fluids requiring access to pipelines. There is no natural monopoly in the provision of water, the collection of water or the delivery of water. If there is any monopoly element in the provision of pipes, it can be dealt with quite easily by a proper common-carrier regulated system.

However, those who are introducing the new clause need to give us more indication of how poor people have to be to qualify under it. It seems to be a cross-subsidy scheme. As the Minister has been gracious enough to accept, if the very poor are beneficiaries, everyone else could be losers. The Liberal Democrat spokesman suggests that it will not mean much of a loss for people on fairly low incomes because not many people would be helped by the scheme. That may be true.

Martin Horwood: I am sure that the right hon. Gentleman was listening carefully, but that is not what I said. I said that, because the subsidy was going to be spread across a very large number of people-in Thames Water’s proposed scheme, the suggestion is that 95 per cent. would be subsidising and only 5 per cent. benefiting, although that might be a bit niggardly-that would mean a terribly small increase for everyone else. That is what I meant-that the moderately poor would have hardly any increase at all.

Mr. Redwood: I think that that is what I said in slightly different language. I said that not many people would benefit. The hon. Gentleman is saying that only a very small percentage of people would benefit. However, I think that he will find that quite a lot of people think that their water bills are too high. It is not just the people on the lowest 5 per cent. of incomes who think that their water bills are too high. I suspect that perhaps half the people think that their water bills are too high and a lot of them will be very disappointed, so we need to send the right kind of signals if we are really talking about only 5 per cent.

While the hon. Gentleman is right that, on the numbers, the increase for the other 95 per cent. will not be huge, there will none the less be some increase for people who are clearly really quite poor as they are in the bottom 6 or 7 per cent. of the income scale-because, on the hon. Gentleman’s numbers, they will be excluded. We therefore need to have a better feel for the numbers before we can come to a fair conclusion on this; we need to know how big the increase will be, how many people will be paying it, and how many will benefit. I still think it would be much better to find a way of reducing the bills generally, as that would alleviate problems for the many people who find the water bill difficult to afford and feel that it has increased too much in recent years with no improvement in the service.

I also wish to make a few remarks on new clause 18, tabled by my Front-Bench colleagues. It may be sensible, but both the Government and Opposition Front-Bench teams need to help me a little by explaining what they mean by sustainable water management. It is one of those phrases that people trot out; they say, “Wouldn’t it be a good idea to have sustainable water management?” It is very difficult to say, “No, we don’t want that,” as nobody wants unsustainable water management, but we have to unpack this common jargon and explore what it means. If it means we are going to have some common sense on the provision of clean water in adequate quantities at all times of the year and in all years to my constituents, I would welcome that. If it means that the water companies will do rather better in handling the disposal of foul water than at present, which would also matter a great deal to my constituents, I would welcome that very much, too.

Let me offer one of quite a few possible examples of poor water service in my constituency from the main monopoly provider. There is an area of nice housing where there has been over-building on floodplain land. That has led to too much surface water, which the drainage system cannot handle, so the surface water rushes through the housing area, hits and knocks out the pumps that are meant to take the foul water safely underground, and the foul water then swells up from underground and mixes with the surface water already running around in this low-lying housing area. As a result, people have very unpleasant things coming into their drawing rooms and kitchens, and they then cannot live in their houses for the next year while they are being cleaned out, dried out, re-plastered and so forth. That is totally unsatisfactory in 2010 in the United Kingdom, which is meant to be a rich and caring country with lifestyles of a sensible level.

If having sustainable water management means stopping such things happening, and saying to companies that allow them to happen, “You have some responsibility and you need to come up with solutions more urgently out of your rather generous cash flows and large capital programmes,” I am all for having sustainable water management. I suspect that this is what a lot of Members would find that their constituents want. They want more than the sensible and fine words in these various new clauses; rather, they want to know that something will actually happen. That is why I say this could be a very good idea, and I welcome what my Front-Bench colleagues are trying to do, but it can work only if the Minister both agrees that it is a sensible idea and then puts the detailed provisions into the regulations, so that monopoly local providers are under an obligation to deal with the obvious offences that we see in the service they are delivering.

The water industry as a whole has all the characteristics of a monopoly provider. Were we to have three dry and hot summers in a row-oh, blessed memory, when we had such things-I am sure that we would run out of water very quickly and be told we had to kill all our plants in our nice gardens because we could not afford to water them any more. That should not happen. These companies should be able to handle such weather conditions. Above all, however, they should be able to handle conditions in which we have quite a bit of rainfall. This country has had a lot of rainfall over many years; we seem to be having a succession of wet and damp winters and summers at present. Companies should be made to organise things so that they are able to handle such eventualities, because if customers cannot switch to another company that will do the job properly, it is terribly important that there is a regulator in place that will take the necessary action. I therefore hope that if we are in favour of sustainable water management, that means we are in favour of tackling these problems vigorously and thereby giving reassurance to my constituents that they will not be flooded in future.

(9) Mr. John Redwood (Wokingham) (Con): Is the Minister aware that her top-down planning policies mean that places such as Wokingham have to build on flood plain, leading to flooding of adjacent dwellings, because they are instructed to do so when they would not otherwise dream of it?

Ms Winterton: Considerable guidance is in place on building and flood plains. As the right hon. Gentleman will know, that guidance applies at various levels. It is important that councils are able to take decisions according to the situation that they face locally.

Please end our floods

Yesterday we debated the Flood and Water Management Bill. This is meant to be the government’s answer to the 2007 floods and the subsequent review.

The debate was surprisingly thinly attended, considering the number of places in the UK now prone to flood attack. That gave me plenty of opportunity to make the case for Wokingham.

I concentrated on two big issues. The first is where the water company fails to prevent sewage rising out of the dirty water system and mixing with flood water, greatly worsening the damage to homes. The Minister eventually assured me that Section 94 of the Water Industry Act still gives us sufficient power to insist on repairs and improvements to prevent this happening, along with the public health legislation. I will have another go at getting the government to help us by using this legislation.

The second is where local rivers create the flood. I urged with my colleagues imposing a duty on the Environment Agency to keep the water courses clear of debris so the rivers can flow quickly when there is heavy rain. The Minister again assured us they already have to do that. I will return to the charge with the EA armed with the Minister’s assurances.

Cut social security not national security

If you needed more evidence of Labour spin and their continuing influence on the media I invite you to consider the lop sided discussions of public spending cuts. There is just one relatively small departmental budget that is crawled over endlessly for spending cuts – that of defence. It just happens to be the only budget where this government has made some cuts, whilst all the others have soared.

In 1996-7 the UK spent £21.3 billion on defence and £85 billion on social security. This year the spending on defence will be around £35 billion whilst the spending on social security and tax credits will be £180 billion. So over the Labour years social security spending has risen by more than 110%, defence spending has gone up by 75%. Social security is now five times defence, whereas it was four times in 1996-7.

Anyone seriously wanting to control our deficit – or for that matter wanting UK people to have better lives with more jobs and higher incomes – would start with plans to get the costs of social security down. Labour in Opposition called it the cost of “economic failure”. Now in government, with the budget surging, they present such spending as evidence of caring and sharing. The truth is too much of the budget is offering people a substitute income for employment. We should do better.We have talked about this before and will do so again. We need to put the enterprise back into Great Britain, which means lower tax rates and less regulation. Then we could get more back to work and off social security.

Meanwhile over at defence the rows escalate. We are told we cannot do everything. The army wants more troops so it can fight future Afghan wars with more boots on the ground. The navy wants new carriers and support vessels. The airforce claims more heavy lift to support the army and more fighters with modern capability.The truth is we need all three. The second truth is no area of government spending can be exempt from pressure to do more for less, from the search for better ways to spend. The cuts I would like to see in the military budget are these. I would like fewer armchair Generals and shore based Admirals, and more officers leading active units. I would like to see better value for money procurement, and an efficiency drive in the large civilian administrative tail. I have set out before ways that we could use private finance to improve service housing and release cash.

I woudl also like us to get out of Afghanistan as soon as possible,. If any capability has to be cut, it should be the capability to invade Middle eastern countries where we have not been invited.