Mr Redwood’s interventions during the Backbench Business Debate on the Future of the BBC, 21 October

Mr John Redwood (Wokingham) (Con): Does my hon. Friend share my worry that the BBC puts out an enormous internet and web offering for free, thus undercutting other news and cultural providers who might otherwise be able to do a better job?

Alun Cairns (Vale of Glamorgan) (Con): I certainly do agree, and I will discuss the scale of the BBC and how it squeezes out competition and innovation from other independent quarters.

Mr Redwood: I am interested in the right hon. Lady’s point about the very high payoffs going to managers. What does she think should be done about the very high salaries and payoffs going to managers and talent when it is paid for by a poll tax that, among other things, is levied on a large number of people who have very little income at all?

Dame Tessa Jowell (Dulwich and West Norwood) (Lab): I thank the right hon. Gentleman for his intervention. I think that transparency is absolutely of the essence in that regard. The BBC, as an independent entity, must be able to account to licence fee payers for the decisions taken about remuneration. I certainly think that increased transparency would be one of the ways of rebuilding trust.

Mr Redwood’s contribution to the Statement on the UK Nuclear Energy Programme, 21 October

Mr John Redwood (Wokingham) (Con): I welcome the decision to have more power capacity, which we greatly need. However, given the generous financial terms to the investors, did the Secretary of State consider the possibility of reserving some part of the financial investment and provision of capital for British interests? I am sure that many of them would like those sorts of returns.

The Secretary of State for Energy and Climate Change (Mr Edward Davey): First, 57% of the value of this project will go to UK firms, and I hope that the right hon. Gentleman welcomes that. I do not believe that these terms are generous at all. We have had hard negotiations to get them down, and EDF realises that. Some of the benefits of the deal we have negotiated need to be held up in the headlights. There is the construction gain share, so that if the construction costs are lower, the consumer gains. If there is a refinancing by the investors in 10 years’ time from which they make a lot of money, the consumer will gain from that refinancing. That never happened with private finance initiative deals when Labour was in power; rather, the taxpayer lost out. We have the refinancing gain share for the consumer, and I doubt that would have happened if that lot had been in power.

Keeping the lights on comes at a price

 

           It is good news that the government is taking some decisons to ensure more electricity generation capacity is built in the UK. The past decade saw the Labour government agree to various EU proposals, and add proposals of their own, which shut down plants. They did not take the  decisions to provide for their replacements, leaving us short of capacity from next winter.

         Emission controls and above all CO2 controls are leading to the closure of older coal, oil and gas plants. Age is leading to the closure of many of our existing nuclear plants. We do need decisions followed by investment in the replacements. The pipeline was empty  in 2010.

         I have no objection in principle to civil  nuclear power, and no objection in principle to foreign investment in our power production system. I do, however, want us to go for cheaper energy. I do want us to play to the strengths of the UK economy in our choices of new power stations, to maximise the economic benefits within the UK from the large investment programme we need.

          Some worry about our nuclear know how. The truth is Labour sold our nuclear industry to overseas interests sometime ago. The absence of new nuclear stations in the UK from the mid 1990s onwards meant the industry fell into disuse here at home. If you place no orders for almost twenty years you do lose a lot of expertise and modern design. This new deal could be a way for the UK to rebuild parts of its nuclear industry, and to benefit from French technology in an area where France has moved onwards whilst the UK has headed for the exit.

         Some worry about the price and the returns that The French and the Chinese will enjoy. Listening yesterday to the Secretary of State answering in the Commons, it sounds as if the draft contract does offer some benefits to UK consumers in the event of costs undershooting on the project. However, the guaranteed price at twice today’s wholesale market price, to come in in 2023 when they start generating power, is also indexed to general prices.  The overseas investors will enjoy some protections from political and other risks, and should be able to generate  a good return on the money they are putting up.

       I would like to see UK investors and companies coming forward to supply our future power needs. I also want to see more cheaper power in the future mix, which will come from gas fired stations. I will look at the way this could happen in a later posting.

 

Mr Redwood’s intervention during the debate on High Streets, 16 October

Mr John Redwood (Wokingham) (Con): Given the impact of the internet on shopping habits, does the Minister agree that councils have to work with their local town centres to maximise their use, which would include office use and leisure use, as well as shopping use?

The Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State for Communities and Local Government (Brandon Lewis): My right hon. Friend makes a good point. I agree and will come to that in a few moments.

Mr Redwood’s interventions during the Opposition Day debate on Zero-hours Contracts, 16 October

Mr John Redwood (Wokingham) (Con): Does the hon. Gentleman not agree that the biggest collapse in living standards occurred from 2008 to 2010 under the Labour Government, when they bankrupted the country and drove people out of work? We are trying to recover from that position.

Mr Chuka Umunna (Streatham) (Lab): The right hon. Gentleman talks about us bankrupting the country. He knows, because I have heard him talk about this many times before, that the problems we had in 2008-09 found their gestation in the banking sector, which is ultimately where responsibility lies.

Mr John Redwood: I want my constituents to have well paid, decent jobs, and I have a lot of sympathy with those who do not wish to see exploitative contracts. Will the shadow Secretary of State say a little more about how he would define an exploitative contract, and whether there is more we could do by way of leadership? He is an influential and talented man. Surely there is more that he could do with Labour councils and trade unions, just as those on the Government Benches can do more with the Government.

Mr Umunna: One of my colleagues has just said to me that being praised by the right hon. Gentleman will spell the end of my career. People will point to examples of Labour-controlled local authorities, but we do not care who is using these contracts. We simply do not want them to be used exploitatively, and I will explain how we can stop that happening.

Mr Redwood: When the Secretary of State holds his consultation shortly, will he consult on the extent to which there is a problem and try to get a definition of it, or will he consult on possible remedies to the abuses he has identified?

The Secretary of State for Business, Innovation & Skills (Mr Vince Cable): Such abuses are highly relevant, but people may come forward and explain, as I have done, that for certain contexts, groups of workers and sectors, such a contractual arrangement is necessary and positive and it would be unhelpful to take action. We have an open mind. We are not trying to close down the debate.

Mr Redwood’s speech during the debate on the Transparency of Lobbying, Non-Party Campaigning and Trade Union Administration Bill, 8 October

Mr John Redwood (Wokingham) (Con): A couple of Opposition Members have raised the issue of paid advocacy and I want to reassure anyone following our debate that no one in this Chamber is saying that MPs should be allowed to receive top-up money from outside this House and then advocate the cause of those paying them. That is clearly wrong. It is against the rules and nothing in the Bill would facilitate it. I think we all agree on that, so that argument is a red herring.

The issue we are debating is the crucial one of the legitimate role of an MP and whether it can continue untrammelled by a Bill that could inadvertently capture legitimate things that an MP does. If the Leader of the House is going to guide us to reject the new clause, I want reassurance that the lobbying element of an MP’s job will be completely untouched by the way in which he wants the Bill to end up. In moving the new clause, my hon. Friend the Member for Harwich and North Essex (Mr Jenkin) made it clear that he is trying to resolve the issue of the legitimate work of an MP.

A very important part of an MP’s job is to be the chief lobbyist for their constituency but, as colleagues have said, we may also wish to be a lobbyist for another interest group that is not based in our constituency. It may be a very important part of a shadow Minister’s job to represent an industry, charity or group of underprivileged people who are not in their constituency, in order to shape national policy. Individual Members may wish to pursue similar themes, even if they are not prominent in their constituencies. It enriches our debates and makes for a fairer society if anyone from outside this House can find MPs who support their cause and who can be their advocates. We are lobbyists for all sorts of groups and interests throughout the country, whether they are in our constituencies or not. It is very important that a court or external body does not assume that, because we are paid a salary and because we lobby Ministers on behalf of the interests of people and companies throughout the country, we are subject to the rules under discussion.

I agree with my hon. Friend the Member for Stone (Mr Cash) that we are not seeking special privilege. We are saying that this Bill is designed to stop abuse of the lobbying system and I want a reassurance from the Leader of the House that it has not been worded in a way that inadvertently could trap MPs as if we were an abuse of the lobbying system, when the healthy expression of lobbying, through and of MPs, is fundamental to our democracy. I think that view is shared throughout the Chamber. The great difference between a free society and a tyranny or an authoritarian regime is that any group, interest, person or company in our country can try to find an MP who thinks they have a fair cause, and if they persuade an MP of that—without any payment of money or anything inappropriate—their cause can run in this House and have the chance of influencing Ministers.

I hope that the Leader of the House can reassure me that the Bill will leave absolutely no doubt that we can be lobbied and that we can lobby, and that we are the free lobbyist for anyone with a good cause.

Mr Redwood’s intervention during the Statement on the Middle East Peace Process/Syria and Iran, 8 October

Mr John Redwood (Wokingham) (Con): Would the Foreign Secretary like to praise Parliament for recommending diplomacy rather than war as the best means of tackling the difficult matter of chemical weapons in Syria? That policy seems to be working rather well. Does he agree that Parliament’s influence extended to the United States of America, where the President called our debate in aid as the reason for his change of approach towards consulting Congress and going for peace?

The Secretary of State for Foreign & Commonwealth Affairs (Mr William Hague): It has always been my habit to praise Parliament, even when I disagree with it, and I will continue to do so. I praise our Parliament and democracy all over the world, and I even hold up such instances as examples of our vibrant democracy. I hope, however, that my right hon. Friend will bear in mind that such progress on chemical weapons—we hope it is progress, provided it is maintained—could not have been made without the credible possibility and threat of military action. We particularly have to thank the United States for that in this connection.

Mr Redwood’s intervention during the debate on the London Local Authorities and Transport for London (No. 2) Bill, 11 September

Mr John Redwood (Wokingham) (Con): If such (electric) cars are popular, surely the private sector will provide charging points anyway. We do not have municipal petrol stations, so what is the problem?

Bob Blackman (Harrow East) (Con): The thrust of the amendments is to require public authorities to provide charging points; the thrust of the Bill is to allow them to provide charging points if they so wish. That is why I am urging my hon. Friend the Member for Christchurch not to press his amendments.

Nuclear power – at a price

 

        Are you today celebrating the fact that at last, after years of Labour and the EU closing electricity plant without effective replacements, a decision has been made that will help keep the lights on in the next decade? Or are you concerned that the drive to low carbon energy means  an expensive solution compared to current energy prices and the costs of keeping open older stations or driving hard for gas?

        I will give you my thoughts tomorrow when I have studied some of the detail of this new deal.

England expects

 

                 Today we commemorate one of  Britain’s  greatest days. Talking and thinking this week-end about Englishness has made me more conscious of the achievement on October 21st 1805, when the  navy met the combined fleets of Spain and France off the Spanish coast. It summed up the best of our principles and capacities.  It was an action fought to keep our own country free from foreign invasion, but also to help liberate the rest of Europe from a restless warlord who wished to enforce a false unity on the continent by force of arms.

              It was victory for the underdog. Napoleon’s forces on land, and on this occasion at sea, were greatly superior. It was victory for daring and innovative tactics. The encounter followed a hectic chase of the French fleet, as Nelson tried to track it down and stop it getting to the English Channel. It was proof, if proof were needed, that training, experience, and belief in their cause, could give the British the strength they needed to vanquish the bully.

                Victory at Trafalgar over the combined French and Spanish fleets in 1805 was decisive. It meant Napoleon could not complete his conquest of Europe. England by her exertions had once again ensured the ultimate freedom of many nations and peoples on the continent, as well as protecting her own. Shorn of control of the coasts, and unable to invade England to stop her independent support for the conquered countries on the continent, Napoleon fought on, only to face ultimate defeat. England, then as later, stood for liberty and the self determination of nations.

               The victory was   comprehensive.  17 Allied ships surrendered, and  the Achille blew up .  27 English ships of the line with 2154 guns had overwhelmed a Franco Spanish fleet of 33 capital ships, with 2638 guns. The Allies also mounted more guns on frigates and smaller vessels.  4408 French and Spanish were dead, with 449 English killed in action. It is almost unbelievable that such an inferior force, attacking in the  full face of Allied naval fire in a light wind that maximised the time at risk as the fleets edged closer, could achieve so much.

            So what was it about that encounter that made it possible? It is true England had a charismatic Admiral who instilled confidence in his captains and men just as he struck doubt and fear into the minds of his enemies. His strategy was bold, and gave the English the advantage once the lines had closed of being able briefly to rake the French and Spanish ships through their vulnerable sterns. His leadership created a true band of brothers amongst his captains, who had considerable freedom to choose their own method of fighting in the melee which followed the clash of the fleets. The heroism of Captain Harvey and his crew on the Temeraire was an example, even  on that day of  formidable bravery and daring.

               The English were able to manoeuvre most of their ships in the light winds from great seamanship, whilst the Allied fleet struggled to get the van of its fleet back into the action once their lines had been cut. The English shot more broadsides from superior loading and firing, and fired on the down roll into the decks of the opponents. The Allied fleet disabled English ships by firing on the uproll into the rigging, without killing so many personnel.

               It was the most remarkable day in the long and remarkable history of the  English and British navies. May we use wisely the freedoms they helped us secure.