Author: johnredwood

I was asked when campaigning in Earley on Saturday to set out more of the details of Conservative proposals on migration and welfare.

Mr Cameron has pledged to negotiate a new deal with the EU to reduce and limit their power in the UK, and to base the relationship more centrally around membership  of the single market.

He wishes to regain more UK Parliamentary control over the UK’s borders and welfare policies, to hit his target of a substantial reduction in net migration into the UK.

His particular policy changes include

Asking anyone who has been in the UK from the rest of the EU looking for a job to leave if they have not found one in 6 months.

Removing Child Benefit from EU migrants in the UK or any child not resident in the UK

Remove all in work benefits from any EU person with a job in the UK for the first four years of their stay.

No out of work benefits for EU jobseekers on arrival in UK

He has stated that he will legislate for the In/Out referendum in the first 100 days of a Conservative government.

When Labour first embarked on Quantitative Easing I was uneasy. My preference was for them to mend the commercial banks quickly. Indeed, my prior preference had been not to damage them so much in the first place. If they had mended or not damaged the commercial banks through their wild monetary and regulatory policies, swinging from too hot to too cold too abruptly, we would not have had to consider QE.

If the commercial banks had been buttressed swiftly – preferably in ways which left the original shareholders and senior executives with their losses, and the taxpayer with contingent guarantees or remunerated loans – we would not have needed QE. Instead, buying shares in the banks and then demanding they held much more capital meant painful surgery and a long delay before those banks could help finance a recovery.

Quantitative easing was very much a second best policy. It achieved something, but it also has lots of side effects which are difficult to handle. The main aim of a QE programme is to drive down long term interest rates, in the hope that then more people and businesses will invest and borrow. The programmes surely drove down the rate, but all the time banks are under a regulatory cosh to raise more capital, and all the time markets are hesitant about the future, not a lot of long term borrowing and investment takes place.

The secondary aim of a QE programme is to get people to take more risk. This again did work. By definition the individual investors and the investment funds that sold bonds to the Central banks, usually bought riskier shares with the money. Some of this money found its way into hands that would create new investments, and the stock markets were able to raise some money for companies in need of it.

The main side affect of the QE programmes has been to enrich the holders of bonds and shares by raising prices substantially. This has been most noticeable in US shares and in some continental European government bonds. The late and large ECB programme has already driven bond yields to crazy levels in Germany. Anyone lending to the German government for any time period up to nine years has to pay the German government for the privilege of lending to it!

Successive programmes of QE in Japan have not proved to be inflationary in terms of general prices, though there too they have proved inflationary for the prices of bonds and shares. It is a reminder that if there remain problems in the commercial banks, and if a society is determined to save more and spend less, QE does not solve all the problems.

QE mainly enriches the state. It allows governments to spend and borrow more at surprisingly low cost. It also gives a bonus to savers who own financial assets, but they need the capital gains to offset the loss of savings income, given how low the interest rates go.

There has been a lot of nonsense talked about budgets for the next five years. The Conservatives have set out their plans in the last 2015 Budget book from the Treasury. Few seem to have read it, so here is a reminder.
The aim is to eliminate the budget deficit. Spending will rise from £737 billion (£11,497 per person) to £797 billion (£12,434 per person) , an increase of £60 billion. Taxes will rise from £602 billion (£9391 per person) to £746 billion (£11,638 per person). This will more than remove the deficit after other income is taken into account. The rise in tax revenue comes from growth in the economy, not from higher tax rates.

Spending is effectively frozen for the first couple of years. The rate of cash increase should keep up with pay, prices, and productivity growth, given the current low level of inflation. There is no need for there to be a real terms cut, unless inflation takes off. This allows for the extra £8 billion for NHS spending.
Revenue will grow well assuming as the Treasury does that the economy continues to grow faster than 2% per annum.

So we can sum up the last five years and the Conservative plans for the next five years in two simple rounded figures – in each of the 2 Parliaments, spending goes up by one thousand pounds per per person,and tax revenue goes up by two thousand pounds per person, eliminating the need to borrow any more.

There are cries today from the left in the press and media that by publishing a Manifesto for England the Conservatives are fuelling English nationalism and dividing the UK.

What nonsense.

All main parties publish Manifestos for Scotland – why don’t those same commentators and interviewers complain this fuels Scottish nationalism and splits the country? Maybe because it doesn’t.

It is also bizarre that Labour has spent most of the General Election just talking about the NHS in England, ignoring their old Scottish voting heartlands.

In 2009-10, Labour’s last year, the state spent £669bn and collected just £479 billion in taxes. The deficit (after allowing for other income) was more than £150 billion. That represents spending of £10,437 for every man, woman and child in the country, average borrowing per person of £2340 in a single year and average tax per person of £7472. These figures are averages including children.

In 2014-15, the Coalition’s last year, total spending reached £737.1bn, total taxes £602.4bn and borrowing was down to £87.3bn. That is £11,497 of spending per person, £9,391 of taxes per person, and £1362 of additional borrowing per person.

How does that compare with plan? The spending is exactly as forecast in 2010. The tax revenue is £54 billion less than forecast, so the borrowing is up on original forecast.

How does 2015 compare with 2010? Spending is up by £68 billion or £1060 per person, tax is up by £122.7bn, or £1914 per person, and the deficit is down by £63 billion or just under £1000 per person.

All who wish to debate the UK economy and austerity should start by examining these figures. The official statistics show us that real public expenditure rose a bit under the Coalition. Over the last five years public spending has made a small positive contribution to economic growth and output. It has not reduced or slowed our economy as some have argued.Welfare spending has risen, despite a fall in unemployment, mainly owing to upratings of benefits.

The main tax rise has come from the increased rate of VAT and from increased transactions in the economy boosting VAT receipts more. Income tax revenue is only slightly up, as natural gains from more output have been reduced by taking 2.5 million people out of tax altogether and by the 50% rate in place for part of the period.Over the five years more than an extra £500 billion or £7800 per person was borrowed. It is difficult to believe the state could have borrowed much more without triggering higher interest rates and a loss of confidence in financial management.