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The King’s speech 2

I repeat here some of my supply side measures to boost investment and increase the UK’s ability to grow, produce and make more at home. More domestic supply will boost tax revenue, lower the  deficit and help bring inflation down.

1. Postpone ban on new petrol and diesel cars to 2040  from 2030 to allow investment and continued use of existing factories.

2. Postpone the ban on new gas boilers for home heating

3. Cut Corporation tax to 12.5%

4. Switch wilding and sustainable farming grants to grants and loans to grow more food with more labour saving machinery

5. Issue licences to produce more oil and gas from known North Sea fields and reserves

6. Keep all existing fossil fuel power stations to help meet demand in periods of low wind and sun

7 End grants for anti motorist schemes that cause more delay and congestion on main roads

8. Put in more bypasses and roundabouts in place of more traffic lights and road restrictions

9. Amend Housing Bill to avoid losing more landlords

10. Remove 2017 and 2021 changes to IR 35 to foster more self employment

11 Raise VAT threshold for small business to ÂŁ 250,000

12.Get regulator to allow more reservoir capacity by water companies

13. Suspend carbon tax and emissions trading to cut energy costs for high energy using industries like steel

14. Auction government run rail franchises to get better service for lower subsidy

15. Sell Channel 4

16. Work with private sector  to complete roll out of fast broadband

 

 

My speech about reforming the NHS

The King’s speech

I hear the government is seeking good ideas for next year’s legislative programme. I will be setting out in a few blogs what a Conservative King’s Speech could look like. I urge the government to find things to do which will deliver more prosperity, freedom and happiness. They need to remember it is 5 million Conservative voters that the polls say they have put off in the latest surveys who they need to win back for the general election.

Let’s start with the Foreign and Home offices.

1. Stop all overseas aid to any country with a nuclear weapons programme or with a defence budget greater than 2.5% of GDP. We should not be grant aiding rearmament by the back door.
2. Allocate more of the Overseas Aid budget to meet first year set up costs of asylum seekers and economic migrants.

3.Renegotiate the Windsor Agreement so that the more important Good Friday Agreement can be restored, with Unionists returning to Stormont.

4. Tell the EU  that if they put a tariff on our cars exported to the EU for insufficient local content we will place one on their exports of cars to us.

5. Strengthen the small boats legislation by adding a notwithstanding clause to exclude further legal challenges

6 Intensify actions to arrest and prosecute people smugglers.

7 Return more foreign prisoners to their own countries.

8. Decriminalise non payment of tv licence fee

9. Raise income thresholds for economic migrants

 

My Intervention in the Health and Social Care Workforce General Debate

John Redwood (Wokingham) (Con):
I am alarmed, as my hon. Friend is, about the 9.1% annual loss of staff, which is a high loss rate by any standard and implies that something is wrong with the jobs or leadership. Do he and the Committee think that a lot more work needs to be done on job descriptions, job feasibility and support for people in their roles so that these jobs are perceived to be of greater value by people and they do not want to leave? Otherwise, we have the extra costs of training somebody new.

Steve Brine, Chair of the Health and Social Care Committee:
Yes. There is a part of the workforce plan, which the Select Committee discussed a little yesterday, which talks about how, every year, every member of staff should have a conversation with their employers about their pension arrangements and mental health and wellbeing. That is fantastic. I am sceptical as to how it is remotely possible in an organisation of this size. That does not mean that I do not think the ambition is right—I think that it is right—but it would be helpful to the House if the Minister touched on that in her wind-up.

The other point I make to my right hon. Friend, which I will also make later in my speech, is that we must remember that there are NHS employers, and ultimately the Government are the employer in the widest possible sense, but the direct employer when it comes to hospitals is the trusts, and they have a big role to play in retention and in workforce health and wellbeing. We sometimes duck away from saying that, but I say that here in the House as well as privately to the chief executive of my trust.

I am encouraged by the emphasis that the workforce plan places on prevention, which everybody knows is one of my great passions in life and politics. That will clearly be crucial, given the supply and demand challenges facing the health service at the moment. Prevention is, as colleagues know, a subject dear and close to the work of the Select Committee: we have launched a major inquiry into the prevention of ill health, with 10 workstreams. We have already done the vaccination workstream and have moved on to the healthy places—home and work—workstream. Details of that are available on the Health and Social Care Committee’s website.

Let me turn to some of the specifics in the Committee’s report and what action the Government have taken. One of our key recommendations was that

“the number of medical school places in the UK should be increased by 5,000 from around 9,500 per year to 14,500.”

The plan does that: it doubles medical school training places in England to 15,000 by 2031-32, which is extremely welcome.

The costs of illegal migration

On Monday  the government sought to restore some sense to the legislation against illegal migration. It is difficult to comprehend the Lords who watered down the Bill to make illegal migration easier, and who argued that 600,000 legal and illegal migrants coming a year was not enough. They had no working suggestions on how we could house more, or where the extra school places, surgery appointments, roadspace, electricity and other essential services would be provided . If we invite people into our country we should want them to have a decent life here. That requires making proper provision for where they live and how they access services. We read about Bishops complaining that we are  not helping enough migrants without offering up places in their own palaces and extensive Church properties for accommodation. Where do they suggest we house the additional  illegals coming in?

Before covid the EU suggested a cost of Euro 250,000 was an estimate of how much additional capital needs to be provided for a new arrival so they have a home and all the services that go with that. If we upgrade that modestly for inflation to just ÂŁ250,000 today to cover the capital costs, that means a single day of 600 illegal migrants requires the state to apply ÂŁ150m of capital to provide for them assuming they stay as many do. People on the current housing waiting lists are concerned if recent arrivals get priority. Many towns and cities are worried at the extensive take over of hotels for migrants, removing their services for local businesses, for weddings and events and for tourism.

The Prime Minister boldly promised to stop the small boats. This summer they are still coming. He is right to reverse unhelpful amendments from the Lords, and must be ready to do more if there are further attempts to prevent the UK saying No to illegals who are not asylum seekers fleeing persecution.

The Treasury and Bank get it wrong again Conservative Home article

 In the closing years of the Thatcher/Major Conservative governments Ministers accepted dreadful advice from the Bank of England and Treasury. They based UK economic policy on the European Exchange Rate Mechanism. I wrote a pamphlet, made speeches, lobbied Ministers not to do this pointing out it would lead to high inflation or recession.  One Cabinet Minister agreed with me and a few economists and commentators. Labour, the CBI and  TUC agreed with the officials. They had their way, caused a big inflation, then gave us a savage recession  to correct the first error. Conservatives plunged to around 30% in the polls when the damage of the policy became clear and stayed there until the election which resulted in the loss of 178 seats.
         The present government is too trusting of current Bank/ Treasury advice. It has given them high inflation. The Bank has blamed the Ukraine war impact on energy and food prices yet Switzerland, China and Japan avoided such a result despite sharing the same world inflation pressures. The UK inflation rate was already 275% over target before the war. Now the Bank threatens to make the opposite mistake and cause a recession. It ignored the advice I and some others offered not to print so much money in 2021 and buy so many bonds at crazily high prices. It now wants to undermine the bond market further with large sales of bonds at ever lower prices.
           It is vital that before Parliament breaks up for a long summer recess the Chancellor changes economic policy and the Bank of England produces the results of its review of its economic model and forecasts. The country needs and deserves a better policy. There are ways to bring inflation down faster and grow the economy more. We need to lift more people out of real income hits and  low spending power through better paid jobs. The Conservative party also needs to be more competitive, to avoid a Labour government which would make the economy worse and would double down on policy tendencies that are creating inflation and slow growth. The danger is  that people, disappointed with the last couple of years of economic performance, vote to impose a worse approach on themselves in frustration.
        The Bank of England has wisely and bravely admitted that it has been getting inflation forecasts horribly wrong. It admits its current model of the economy does not work and has said it now ignores most of what its model says. This is dangerous. The whole purpose of the Monetary Policy Committee is to forecast inflation, then to adjust policy to keep it around 2% in the light of the forecast. Two and three years ago the Bank was confidently forecasting inflation would stay around 2%. It soared to over 11%, way outside acceptable margins of error in what is a difficult task. The MPC cannot have a clear take on what to do all the time it cannot define the extent of the inflationary problem ahead. The Treasury and the Treasury Committee of Parliament should urge the Bank to make early changes to their model. They need to back test the new model and change it sufficiently so it can forecast what has happened . Then we might have a model that the Bank can rely on more when charting the future. I doubt they can get a model to work without including a   bigger role for money and credit, which they currently ignore in their MPC publications. We have a Money Policy Committee that does not do money.
       The Bank should study the Peoples Bank of China’s critique of the Federal Reserve Board of the USA which made similar mistakes to the Bank of England for similar reasons. China currently has inflation at 0.2% and did not experience an inflation overrun from world oil and food prices surging over the Ukraine war. China  criticises the over expansion of the Fed’s balance sheet. There is now a danger that the Fed and the Bank of England over contract their balance sheet as they try to correct past mistakes. In doing so the Fed helped bring down some regional banks. The Bank of England helped bring down the highly leveraged Liability Driven Investment bond funds, including the large holding in its own pension fund. Both Central Banks stopped the damage spreading by creating more money to offset the big sales of bonds they were undertaking to drive up interest rates.
       If the Bank sells fewer bonds the Treasury will be spared some huge losses. They should stop shrinking their balance sheet so much before something other than LDI funds breaks.
The Treasury has set itself against any tax cuts on the grounds they would increase the deficit and therefore inflation. Meanwhile the Treasury approves many new increases in spending both for new programmes and to compensate for inflation of costs and poor productivity in many parts of the public sector. Inflationary increases in public spending are clearly generally inflationary. The CPI is now powered upwards by service sector inflation. The Treasury needs to be encouraging higher pay for higher output, with  something for something public sector pay deals . It needs to put a stop on more recruiting ither than  front line and uniformed staff into the public sector, promoting and streamlining from within. NHS England has recruited an extra 3500 managers this Parliament to supervise a big fall in productivity. This has to be reversed.
There are tax cuts that do not lead to tax revenue losses, as Ireland shows us. Their Corporation tax rate half the UK’s produces four times as much revenue per head as the UK rate. We need a supply side revolution, with business expansion and more investment in extra capacity. Lift IR 35 from the self employed. Raise the VAT threshold for small business. These  measures will boost output. Suspend VAT on fuel  and see inflation fall. Take carbon taxes off high energy using firms to avoid closures and relieve cost pressures.
A new economic policy needs to rely on selective tax cuts and supply side measures to bring inflation down, and on driving a productivity catch up or recovery in public services to help bring state borrowing down. The Bank hitting mortgage holders ever harder to reduce their spending will not cure inflation, With government pressing for savers to get more interest their demand can rise as their children’s demand falls as a result of the mortgage squeeze.

The Office of Budget Responsibility

The Office of Budget responsibility is a recent invention. George Osborne wanted a body that was said to  be independent that could assess government economic policy and set out in forecasts what the results were likely to be. To do this he transferred the Treasury model for forecasting the economy and some Treasury officials to this new body. It was given the privilege no other forecaster has of getting prior access to budget measures so when the budget is published the OBR can publish a set of forecasts that include the impact of the latest budget measures. Other independent forecasters can then catch up, putting the new budget measures into their models and running them to see what change results. The OBR forecasts and the average of private sector forecasts are often quite close to each other, with the old Treasury model still having some sway with a range of external economists.  Treasury officials clearly work closely with OBR ones, as they used to do when they were all part of the same organisation.

The main problem with this system is the failure of the POBR to come up with reliable and accurate forecasts of the budget deficit. This matters hugely because their wrong forecasts unlike other people’s are used to mark the government’s homework. The main economic policy control is a derivative of the old Maastricht debt and deficit controls. The government aims to have debt falling as a proportion of GDP by the end of the five year forecast period if not before. This relies on the OBR forecasts of the difference between two large numbers, total spending and total revenue, five years hence.

In recent years the OBR has been ÂŁ100bn or more out in its same year forecasts, let alone in its five year forecasts. The OBR presumes to say the government needs to raise an extra ÂŁ10 to say ÂŁ30bn in taxes, when its deficit forecasts swing by far more than these sums year by year. Observing the pattern they tend to greatly exaggerate the deficit when the economy is growing and underestimate it when the economy is slowing or shrinking. The main errors occur on the revenue side. Their model does not seem to take much account of the behavioural effects of higher tax rates which may depress tax take, or the way in which lower tax rates may boost tax take. It certainly doe snot seem to recognise the great sensitivity of revenues to gr9wth rates.

The independent OBR should follow what the Bank has decided. faced with its own failure to forecast inflation, crucial to its task, the Bank has announced a review of its models. The OBR needs to do the same, as it models cannot forecast deficits sensibly, leaving no sound basis for their advice on tax levels.

Interest rates now higher than at the time of Truss budget

The Bank of England has been up to its old tricks, hiking rates and selling bonds to hike mortgage rates some more. They think taking money away from mortgage holders will squeeze their ability to spend which will cut inflation by reducing demand.

Will it? The extra money mortgage holders pay in interest certainly cannot be spent any longer by them on goods and services. The money however does not disappear. Much of it is passed onto savers who have deposits in the banks that lend the money. They will have more income to spend. Some of the extra interest is extra  bank profit, which leads to higher dividends so shareholders will have more money to spend.

Higher mortgage rates therefore will not limit demand for goods and services as much as the Bank seems to think. It is possible the savers will not spend all their extra interest income, whilst it is likely the mortgage holders would have spent more of the money they now have to pass to the lenders. This is however a matter of degree. It is also likely the savers who tend to be older may well pass some of their deposit interest gain onto their children with mortgages to help them out.

The further sell off in bonds underwrites my argument that the high mortgage rates come mainly from Bank of England rate hikes and bond sales.

What is the point of a Central Bank digital currency?

We already have digital money. You and I have money held in a commercial bank which is just an electronic line in their accounts. We can use it to buy something, transferring our digital money to someone else’s digital account electronically. We have a digital credit card which we can wave at a machine to pay. If we save money in a deposit account that too is digital. The banks do not keep all our monies in bank notes, just having enough till money to meet usual demands for physical cash with a margin.

Some people have created different digital tokens like Bitcoin. These do not fulfil the normal characteristics of money. You cannot use them to buy things. Most shops and websites decline bitcoin. They are not a store of value as a sound major state currency is, with wildly fluctuating values. They are not  a standard of measurement. Few quote  prices in bitcoin where many quote them in dollars or pounds.

There are things called stable coins which seek to link their value to a well known currency. Some achieve this, but there could in some cases be failures to do so. If they succeed what advantage do they have over holding  the currency itself?

The Bank of England and other leading central banks are thinking of issuing digital versions of their own currencies. Given the way commercial banks already do this I assume it means the  Central bank itself offering a current account to regular customers. This would be a big diversion  from their current functions and would not offer much that a commercial bank does not already offer.

People worry about the way the state could use a CB digital currency to increase surveillance over people and even control their money. I cannot see them making everyone have a CB account as the  Bank of England would not  want millions of small accounts. Existing digital money through commercial banks is already under plenty of surveillance to prevent crime and money laundering.

My Business Question to the Leader of the House